We at VitaminB17.org are deeply concerned that information about vitamin therapy to prevent and treat cancer be available to the public. To that end, the book WORLD WITHOUT CANCER — The Story of Vitamin B17 by G. Edward Griffin (Westlake Village, California: American Media, 1997. ISBN 0-912986-19-0) is available for sale through this site. However, we realize that many interested people may not have time or resources to read the book in its entirety, which we highly recommend. Therefore, we are quoting the brief synopsis printed at the beginning of each chapter. In addition, we are summarizing key points from the chapters, including succinct quotes from Griffin.
The book is divided into two parts:
Part One — The Science of Cancer Therapy
Part Two —The Politics of Cancer Therapy
PART TWO — THE POLITICS OF CANCER THERAPY
CHAPTER THIRTEEN — CARTELS — ESCAPE FROM COMPETITION
"A review of the science of cancer therapy; a summary of the politics of cancer therapy; the early history of the I.G. Farben chemical and pharmaceutical cartel; the cartel’s early success in the United States; and its ‘marriage’ with DuPont, Standard Oil, and Ford" (p. 177).
Griffin’s research found that before World War II, there developed "an international cartel, centered in Germany, that dominated the world’s chemical and drug industries" (p. 180). It involved ninety-three countries including many U.S. corporations. This cartel was known as I.G. Farben. It began in the dye business, where modern chemistry originated. But it had grown to include "the entire field of chemistry, including munitions and drugs…. The basic ingredient for almost all chemicals — including those that wound as well as those that heal — is coal tar or crude oil. With the advent of the internal combustion engine, the value of these raw materials as the precursor of gasoline has given those who control their chemical conversions a degree of power over the affairs of the world that is frightening to contemplate. In other words, the present movement of civilization is driven by the engine of chemistry. But the fuel of chemistry is oil" (p. 180).
A "marriage" took place between John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil and the I.G. Farben cartel. Why? "The goal of each simply was to remove all marketplace competition between themselves and assure that each had a secure guarantee of future growth and profit," (p. 185) writes Griffin. What is the purpose of a cartel? According to the author, "a cartel is a means of escaping the rigors of competition in the open free-enterprise market. The result always is higher prices and fewer products from which to choose. Cartels and monopolies, therefore, are not the result of free enterprise, but the escape from it" (p. 187). (emphasis his.) Griffin explains how cartels and collectivist governments work together and why cartels love big government with strict regulations on products.
CHAPER FOURTEEN — THE ULTIMATE MONOPOLY
"Early examples of cartel support for totalitarian regimes; I.G. Farben’s role in lifting Hitler out of political oblivion and converting the Nazi state into an instrument of cartel power" (p. 193).
It follows, also that if big government is good for cartels, then bigger government is better, and total government is best. It is for this reason that, throughout their entire history, cartels have been found to be the behind-the-scenes promoters of every conceivable form of totalitarianism. They supported the Nazis in Germany; they embraced the Fascists in Italy; they financed the Bolsheviks in Russia….the "super rich" so often are found in support of socialism or socialist measures….there is no competition and there is no free enterprise (p. 194). (emphasis his.)
…government becomes the tool of the very forces that, supposedly, it is regulating. The regulations, upon close examination, almost always turn out to be what the cartels have agreed upon beforehand, except that now they have the police power of the state to enforce them (pp. 195-196).
In the early 1930s, the I.G. Farben cartel began to donate great sums to support the man it believed would best suit its purposes, Adolf Hitler. The power of the cartel used the media to create the impression that Hitler had great popularity.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN — WAR GAMES
"Germany’s industrial preparations for World War II; the continued support by American industrialists given to Farben and to the Nazi regime during this period; and the profitable role played by Ford and ITT in war production for both Nazi Germany and the United States" (p. 203).
Something that shows the cartel’s power occurred during the Allied bombing raids on Frankfurt during World War II. Americans were told not to destroy the building that was the headquarters of I.G. Farben. Although it was the "backbone of the Nazi war machine" (p. 239), it was not bombed while everything around it was severely damaged by Allied firepower.
CHAPTER SIXTEEN — CONSPIRACY
"Efforts to camouflage Farben ownership of firms in America; the assistance rendered by Rockefeller interests; penetration into the U.S. government by agents of the cartel; and the final disposition of the Farben case" (p. 211).
Griffin answers the questions that may be in the minds of the readers at this point. What does a study of the I.G. Farben cartel have to do with cancer therapy? Understanding history sheds light on why and how the pharmaceutical industry has been "influenced by factors other than simple product development and scientific truth" (p. 211) and why there is organized opposition to nonpharmaceutical cancer treatments.
When the Nazis were ready to wage war in Europe, "Farben had obtained control over a major segment of American’s pharmaceutical industry. Investment in both the arts of wounding and healing always have been a dominant feature of cartel development, for the profit potential is greater in these respective fields than in any other" (p. 212), writes Griffin. In 1939 the directors of American I.G., wanting to distance itself from its European counterpart, said it had been restructured and its name changed to General Analine and Film Corporation. This chapter deals with the influence of the cartel in American politics.
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN — THE ROCKEFELLER GROUP
"A biographical sketch of John D. Rockefeller, Sr., and his crusade against free-enterprise; the beginning of Standard Oil; the entry of the Rockefellers into investment banking; their influence in the pharmaceutical industry and international politics" (p. 227).
The largest group within the cartel is the Rockefeller group located in New York City. Interestingly, William Avery Rockefeller, father of John D. Sr., had been a "snake oil" salesman, hawking his cure for cancer. It is suspected that his unscrupulous methods of doing business were passed down to his son, who created Standard Oil, a gigantic monopoly. John D. hated competition. Even when the Supreme Court ordered the monopoly broken, the resulting companies were run behind the scenes by Rockefeller and his men.
"What influence the Rockefellers exert through their oil cartel, as impressive as it is, is peanuts compared to what they have accomplished in later years through the magic of international finance and investment banking" (p. 230). Cartels gain their true wealth through "profits of control," that is, those who control the enterprise make the greatest gains, not the owners of it.
"The profit potential in drugs is enormous. The very nature of the product lends itself to monopoly and cartel manipulation" (p. 236). Griffin explains that "cartels … have completely dominated the chemical industry for decades. The pharmaceutical industry, far from being exempt from this influence, has been at the center of it from the beginning. We are travelling this long path of historical inquiry for the reason that one simply cannot evaluate the broad opposition to vitamin therapy without an awareness of this cartel" (p. 237).
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN — THE CHARITY PRESCRIPTION
"The drug cartel’s influence over the nation’s medical schools; the drug-oriented training given to medical students; and the use of philanthropic foundations to obtain control over educational institutions" (p. 247).
CHAPTER NINETEEN — HE WHO PAYS THE PIPER
"The low state of medical education in the U.S. prior to 1910; the role of the Flexner Report in dramatizing the need for reform; the role played by the Rockefeller and Carnegie foundations in implementing the Flexner Report; and the use of foundation funding as a means of gaining control over American medical schools" (p. 261).
To be succinct, a quote from page 245 identifying the photo of Abraham Flexner says it all:
Flexner, author of the famous Flexner Report of 1910, led the crusade for upgrading the medical schools of America. All the while, he was in the employ of Andrew Carnegie and John D. Rockefeller who had set up tax-exempt foundations for that purpose. The result was that America’s medical schools became oriented toward drugs and drug research, for it was through the increased sale of these drugs that the donors realized a profit on their "philanthropy."
Further, Griffin explains
And so it has come to pass that the teaching staffs of our medical schools are a special breed. In the selection and training process, emphasis has been put on finding individuals who, because of temperament or special interest, have been attracted by the field of research, and especially by research in pharmacology. This has resulted in loading the staffs of our medical schools with men and women who, by preference and by training, are ideal propagators of the drug-oriented science that has come to dominate American medicine. And the irony of it is that neither they nor their students are even remotely aware that they are products of a selection process geared to hidden commercial objectives (p. 267).
Wealthy foundations pour money exclusively into schools who research and teach the "approved" drug-oriented curriculum, not to schools who want to emphasize nutrition or "alternative" medicine.
CHAPTER TWENTY — HE WHO CALLS THE TUNE
"AMA influence over the practice of medicine in America; how the leadership of the AMA keeps control away from its members; AMA funding by the drug industry; and examples of interlock between the two" (p. 269).
The American Medical Association and the Rockefeller and Carnegie interests "climbed into bed" together early in the twentieth century.
The relationship between the AMA Journal (the money-maker for the AMA) and the Pharmaceutical Manufacturer’s Association is obvious in the millions of dollars of advertising revenue collected by the Journal. In addition, the AMA has put millions of the organization’s retirement fund into drug companies. "…the success of the AMA and those who direct it depends on the prosperity and good will of the pharmaceutical industry" (p. 274).
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE — THE PROTECTION RACKET
"Cartel agents in the FDA and other agencies of government; the CFR as a control structure over U.S. foreign policy; scientific ineptitude at the FDA; and the growth of FDA’s power" (p. 277).
What is the FDA really doing today? Chapter Twenty-One illustrates how it is doing three things:
- First, it is providing a means whereby key individuals on its payroll are able to obtain power and wealth through granting special favors to politically influential groups that are subject to its regulations. This activity is similar to the "protection racket" of organized crime; for a price, one can induce FDA administrators to provide "protection" from the FDA itself.
- Secondly, as a result of this political favoritism, the FDA has become a primary factor in that formula whereby cartel-oriented companies in the food-and-drug industry are able to use the police powers of the government to harass or destroy their competitors.
- And thirdly, the FDA occasionally does some genuine public good if that does not interfere with serving the vested interest of its first two activities (p. 277).
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO — THE ARSENAL OF COMPLIANCE
"Government harassment of the nutrition and vitamin industry; the role played by the media in discrediting Laetrile in the public mind; and a comparison of the cost of Laetrile therapy with that of orthodox cancer treatments" (p. 293).
That the "mainstream" media is also "in bed" with the AMA, the pharmaceutical companies, and the FDA is obvious in those rare reports they issue on vitamins or nutrition. Each "objective" report ends in a caution to "consult your physician." What is the drug-trained physician going to say about vitamin therapy? The answer goes without saying.
CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE — THE DOUBLE STANDARD
"An analysis of the FDA’s double standard in which harmless non-drug materials such as vitamins and food supplements are burdened with restrictions in excess of those applied to toxic and dangerous drugs" (p. 303).
Despite the thousands of deaths caused annually by drugs prescribed and taken correctly, the FDA continues to promote and protect pharmaceuticals while waging war on nontoxic vitamins and food supplements. [Note: the author of this review had successfully ordered and received vitamin B17 from a pharmacy in Midwestern state. Then a sad letter of regret arrived from the pharmacy stating that it would no longer be selling vitamin B17 due to a raid by the FDA. The author wonders what the FDA is so afraid of that it will take such drastic steps to stop sales of a mere vitamin.]
CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR — TO WALK THE HIGHEST WIRE
"How doctors are intimidated into not using Laetrile; why the pharmaceutical industry seeks a patentable substitute for Laetrile; and the courageous stand against the FDA and AMA by Laetrile doctors" (p. 315).
While the FDA allows public information about vitamin B17, it "has allocated a large portion of its resources to harassing or destroying those who produce, distribute, or administer vitamin B17 for the control of cancer. Doctors are particularly singled out for strong action…." (p. 315). This chapter covers gives anecdotal evidence of FDA harassment of doctors.
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE — A QUESTION OF MOTIVES
"What has motivated opposition to Laetrile therapy; the ‘limited’ vs. ‘total’ conspiracy theories; and the grass-roots backlash as a force for change" (p. 329).
In the politics of cancer therapy, anything that gets in the way of those in power gaining yet more power and wealth must be destroyed. Griffin sums it up this way:
Laetrile got in the way. First, the nutritional concept upon which it rests is anathema to the drug industry. Second, the fact that it is a product of free-enterprise was a affront to the bureaucracy of big government. Third, the final solution to the cancer problem surely will terminate the gigantic cancer-research industry, most of the radio-therapy industry, and much of the surgery now being performed. Loss of revenue in these fields would be catastrophic to thousands of professional fund-raisers, researchers, and technicians. And fourth, the elimination of cancer from the national medical bill would reduce the dose of medical care each year so drastically that much of the current political pressure for socialized medicine would evaporate (p. 344).
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX — A WORLD WITHOUT CANCER
"Areas of need for further research with vitamin B17; how the Laetrile controversy differs from medical controversies of the past; and analogy of biological and political cancer; and a scenario in which both will be conquered together" (p. 349).
Considering the lack of beneficial results obtained by orthodox medicine, it has been said that voodoo witchcraft would be just as effective — and perhaps even more so — for at least then the patient would be spared the deadly side effects of radiation and chemical poisoning. Just as we are amused today at the primitive medical practices of history, future generations surely will look back at our own era and cringe at the senseless cutting, burning, and poisoning that now passes for medical science (p. 349).
And God said: Behold I have given you every herb-bearing seed upon the earth, and all trees that have in themselves seed of their own kind, to be your meat. (Genesis 1:29)